Huanuni clashes
Huanuni Clashes 2006
The conflict, which took place on October 5–6, 2006, in the mining town of Huanuni, Oruro, resulted in the deaths of seventeen individuals and 115 injured. The incident underscored deep divisions between salaried miners employed by the state-owned mining company, Corporación Minera de Bolivia (COMIBOL), and cooperative miners seeking greater control over the lucrative tin deposits of Posokoni Hill.
The 2006 Huanuni clashes can be traced to the economic resurgence of tin mining in Bolivia following the increase in global tin prices in the early 2000s. Posokoni Hill, which contains Bolivia’s richest tin deposits, became the focal point of tensions between COMIBOL’s salaried miners and cooperative miners who worked surface deposits. The Bolivian government, under President Evo Morales, had sought to maintain cooperative miners as political allies, granting them increased access to mining rights, which in turn threatened the positions of salaried workers.
The immediate trigger for the violence was the government’s refusal to transfer shares of Empresa Minera Huanuni (EMH), a formerly private mining company that was nationalized under COMIBOL, to the cooperative miners. On October 4, 2006, COMIBOL officially rejected the demand for a share transfer, prompting cooperative miners to plan a takeover of the mine. Salaried miners, alerted to these plans, mobilized in anticipation of a confrontation.
Violence erupted on the morning of October 5, at approximately 9:00 AM, when cooperative miners, numbering in the thousands, advanced toward Posokoni Hill in an attempt to seize control of the mine. They carried dynamite, an instrument commonly used in Bolivian labor conflicts, and engaged in combat with salaried miners. Reports indicate that the cooperative miners sought to disable the mine’s air compressor, a move intended to force COMIBOL workers to evacuate underground tunnels (Howard and Dangl 2006).
The clashes quickly escalated into a full-scale battle, with both sides utilizing dynamite and firearms. The conflict spread beyond the mining site into the town of Huanuni, where cooperative miners attacked key infrastructure, including a local radio station, homes of salaried miners, and even a church. In one of the most devastating incidents, a dynamite explosion at a marketplace triggered a chain reaction that destroyed nearly forty buildings, resulting in multiple casualties, including vendor Teodora Ticona. Her skirt scraps, pieces of hair and skin, and a part of her spinal column were found by her husband, Quintín Calle (Howard and Dangl 2006).
By the evening of October 5, at around 7:00 PM, nine people had been confirmed dead, and dozens were injured (Agencia de Noticias Fides 2006c). The deceased were as follows: Jhonny Tejada Poma, Maribel Cabrera, Julián Condori Choque, Javier Escobar, Javier Salvatierra, Braulio Díaz Balcázar, Jose Luis Sárate, Noberto Achacollo, Pedro Mamani, Juan Carlos Condori Crispín, Juan Carlos Flores Ururi, and Simón Iruchi (Linera 2006; “66 Ańos De Su Fundación” 2018; Agencia de Noticias Fides 2006b; Bolpress 2006). Three other people died in Oruro hospitals, including Edwin Choque Antonio. The majority of those dead were cooperativists.
On October 6, the violence continued despite government efforts to mediate the conflict. The San Martín Hospital confirmed that Luis Choque Nina, Feliciano Arias Escobar, and 13 year-old Eddy Achaya died that day (Agencia de Noticias Fides 2006b). The death toll rose to sixteen, including seven cooperative miners, four salaried miners, two recently employed miners, two transport workers, and one vendor (Castillo, n.d.; Howard and Dangl 2006; Agencia de Noticias Fides 2006a).
Names of deceased
| First Name | Last Name | Title |
|---|---|---|
| Teodora | Ticona de Calle | Market Vendor |
| Julián | Condori | La Salvadora Cooperative |
| Javier Escóbar | Choque | Transporte 27 de Julio |
| Javier | Salvatierra Acerico | Cooperative member |
| Juan Carlos | Flores Oruri | Comibol Salaried Miner |
| Juan Carlos | Condori Crispin | Nativas Libres Cooperative |
| José Luis | Sárate | La Salvadora Cooperative |
| Johnny | Tejada Poma | Transporte 27 de Julio |
| Pedro | Mamani Plata | Karazapato Cooperative |
| Edwin | Choque Antonio | La Salvadora Cooperative |
| Maribel | Cabrera | La Salvadora Cooperative |
| Norberto | Achacollo | Huanuni Miner |
| Luis Alberto | Choque Nina | La Salvadora Cooperative |
| Feliciano | Arias Escobar | La Salvadora Cooperative |
| Braulio Yasmani | Díaz Balcázar | Comibol Salaried Miner |
| Simón | Iruchi | Cooperative Member |
| Eddy | Achaya |
The Bolivian government faced criticism for its handling of the crisis. Although 700 police officers were eventually deployed to restore order, reports suggest that security forces refrained from direct intervention during the height of the violence. The Defensor del Pueblo, Waldo Albarracín, along with other mediators, attempted to broker peace, but their efforts were largely ignored as violence continued overnight into October 6.
The intervention of the Archbishop of Oruro, Cristóbal Bialasik, played a crucial role in de-escalating the conflict. A temporary truce was declared on the evening of October 6, at approximately 10:30 PM, allowing for the burial of the dead and the removal of the wounded. In the immediate aftermath, the government announced a resolution in which four mining cooperatives were integrated into COMIBOL’s workforce, effectively ending the cooperative miners’ demands for full control of Posokoni Hill (Howard and Dangl 2006). However, this resolution also marked the liquidation of both parties as independent entities, as cooperative miners were absorbed into the state system.
Politically, the event damaged the credibility of the Morales government, as many salaried miners accused the administration of favoring cooperative miners. COMIBOL workers, in particular, felt that the state had failed to protect their interests, while cooperative miners saw the eventual resolution as a betrayal of their struggle for autonomy. Additionally, allegations of sniper involvement and the use of military-grade bullets suggested that the government’s role in the conflict was more complex than officially acknowledged (Bolivia.com 2006; Howard and Dangl 2006). Economically, the damages sustained during the conflict amounted to an estimated $4 million, affecting both residential and industrial infrastructure. The destruction of the marketplace, homes, and mining facilities left many residents displaced, and tensions between former rivals persisted for years.
In November 2006, further violence erupted when cooperative miners who refused the integration agreement clashed with police, resulting in the death of Officer Juan Carlos Quenallata (Ávila 2015; “Murió El Policía, Al Que Atacaron Cooperativistas” 2006).